By C. Schotten
This publication claims Nietzsche as a leftist innovative yet with out overlooking the conservative and retrogressive components of his political philosophy. the writer argues that those 'halves' of his philosophy support build a brand new type of politics for modern readers, achievable of revolution post-Marx.
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Additional resources for Nietzsche’s Revolution: Décadence, Politics, and Sexuality
Example text
Nietzsche’s major distinction regarding life, the (only) means by which he (can) calibrate(s) its health, is whether it is ascending or descending. 96 For Nietzsche, reactivity is a premier symptom of weakness of the 34 Nietzsche’s Revolution will, modernity’s particular manifestation of décadence or disease (more on this in the next chapter). By contrast, ascending life determines its activity without reference to internal limitations or outside forces: “As for the famous ‘struggle for existence,’ .
104 This mention of Napoleon and Borgia alerts us to the potentially unsavory implications of will to power that I have thus far ignored. For although Nietzsche consistently defines will to power as some sort of basic life principle, perhaps unobjectionable in itself, he nevertheless manages to define life itself in all sorts of unpleasant ways. This seems to trouble both the distinction between Hobbes and Nietzsche that I have asserted, as well as problematize the until-now largely inoffensive reading of will to power I have been advancing.
Low-level activities . . ”38 Nehamas explicitly claims what others perhaps hope they can silently assume: that the body is a harmonious or stable “ground” from which we can understand “thoughts, desires, and actions” to emanate. As an unproblematic site of “elementary unity,” the body is presented as the concrete field underfoot upon which warring drives and affects tread when they march into battle. Yet this Socratic (and Christian) view of the independence and separability of body and “soul” engages in a bizarre dualism that is utterly foreign to Nietzsche.
