By Adriana Belletti
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Additional resources for Structures and Strategies
Sample text
Only auxiliaries are allowed to raise out of VP in these two classes of cases: (54) a. b. c. d. I have not come *I come not Jean dit n’avoir pas parlé Jean said to have not talked *Jean dit ne parler pas Jean said to talk not38 Given the clause structure assumed here, the Aux movement illustrated by (54) a. and c. is to be interpreted as movement to an empty AGR. Now, if free recursion of AGRP is allowed, this has the immediate consequence that only an auxiliary will be able to move to an empty AGR head, higher than the contentive AGR.
B would in fact predict that no difference in status should exist between the unacceptable (48) and the well-formed (52) as an indefinite quantifier cannot be left dislocated in general, irrespective of its negative or non-negative nature. Suppose that the relevance of the negative versus non-negative nature of the quantified subject is accounted for on independent grounds. Still, the facts in (50) lead us to conclude that a different hypothesis should be put forth to account for the possibility of the word order ‘NPsub Aux prob.
The question then is: Is it possible to reconcile our empirical findings with the conceptually valuable conclusion that necessary cooccurrence with negation is contingent upon agreement within NegP? The question can be given a positive answer if we assume that agreement within NegP is also allowed to take place in LF, and if we furthermore allow negative adverbs like più to move into Spec of NegP at LF. The proposal can be phrased as follows: Negative adverbs can either be S-structure specifiers or LF specifiers of NegP.
