By L. Beckman
The Frontiers of Democracy deals a accomplished exam of regulations at the vote in democracies at the present time. For the 1st time, the explanations for except humans (prisoners, teenagers, intellectually disabled, non-citizens) from the suffrage in modern societies is severely tested from the perspective of democratic concept.
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Additional info for The Frontiers of Democracy: The Right to Vote and its Limits
Sample text
Hence, ‘democratic suffrage’ is understood to mean a distribution of the vote that is subject to the ‘usual exclusions’ (Still, 1981, p. 378). The conventionalist approach is common in rankings of democratic regimes. An example is found in Hadenius’ study Democracy and development. Although the ‘extent of the franchise in the population’ is said to be crucial in measuring democracy, Hadenius wrestles with the problem of defining the threshold of full inclusion. In the end, the pessimistic conclusion is reached that democratic theory provides ‘no such thing’ as an answer and that the only viable alternative is to define democratic suffrage as equivalent to the circle of individuals granted the vote ‘by convention’ (Hadenius, 1992, pp.
Since the last claim is evidently not mistaken in relation to children and ‘mentally defective’ people, they have no right to be included in a democratic process, according to Dahl. Herein lies the answer to the question of why restrictions are incorporated into Dahl’s concept of democratic inclusion. The restrictions are included in the definition because children and the mentally defective have no right to be included in a democratic process. What is remarkable about this reasoning is that normative reasons are provided in support of the definition of democracy.
There are, consequently, just two criteria to consider: theoretical utility and familiarity. The presumption is that they should be sufficient, taken together, in guiding the choice of a definition of democratic inclusion. We start by applying the condition of ‘familiarity’ to the alternative strategies described above. The question asked is whether defining democratic inclusion in either minimalist, conventionalist or maximalist terms is fully consistent with ordinary meanings of the concept. It can hardly be doubted that the conventionalist strategy is well prepared to meet this challenge.
