By Neil Davidson
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Example text
If it transpires that other interests may have been involved then nationalism must therefore be of no account. But nationalism can only ever be a vehicle by which ‘other’ interests are advanced; to believe otherwise is to accept the myth of nationalism itself, which these authors evidently do. 42 As the great nationalist leader Giuseppe Mazzini wrote before Italy was ‘made’: The nation is the universality of Italians, united by agreement and living under a common law. 43 After 1848 all ruling classes intent on creating states on the British or French models were forced to embrace nationalism, not because they personally were capitalists, or even, more broadly, members of the bourgeoisie, but because all of them – Prussian Junkers, Japanese Samurai, Italian monarchists and, eventually, Stalinist bureaucrats – were engaged in building industrial societies dominated by the capitalist mode of production.
With the community which is the totality of users of the same set of signs for ideological communication. Thus various different classes will use one and the same language. As a result, differently orientated accents intersect in every ideological sign. 66 Linda Colley provides us with a concrete example from our period in which the relevant sign, or word, is ‘Britons’.
In the third, which I call that of social diffusion (1789–1848), national consciousness begins to emerge in the social classes below the rulers of the new nation states, partly as the result of deliberate indoctrination, but far more so as the by now inevitable pattern of life experience within societies shaped by the nation state form. Psychological Formation Four main elements combined at the origin of national consciousness: all reflect to a greater or lesser extent the impact of capitalism on feudal society.