By Lori D. Ginzberg
On a summer season day in 1846--two years earlier than the Seneca Falls conference that introduced the circulate for woman's rights within the United States--six girls in rural upstate ny sat right down to write a petition to their state's constitutional conference, not easy "equal, and civil and political rights with men." Refusing to invoke the conventional language of deference, motherhood, or Christianity as they made their declare, the ladies even declined to shield their place, saying that "a self obvious fact is satisfactorily undeniable with out argument." Who have been those ladies, Lori Ginzberg asks, and the way may possibly their tale swap the collective reminiscence of the fight for woman's rights? only a few clues stay concerning the petitioners, yet Ginzberg items jointly details from census files, deeds, wills, and newspapers to discover why, at a time whilst the suggestion of ladies as complete electorate used to be declared unthinkable, too risky to debate, six traditional ladies embraced it as good judgment. via weaving their radical neighborhood motion into the wider narrative of antebellum highbrow existence and political id, Ginzberg brings new mild to the tale of woman's rights and of a few women's feel of themselves as complete participants of the kingdom itself.
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Extra resources for Untidy Origins: A Story of Woman's Rights in Antebellum New York
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For men as for women, families offer support and labor, but also duty and distraction. But according to republican ideas, for men such personal ties were aids, not hindrances, [31] THE LIMITS OF CITIZENSHIP to fulfilling a political role. "Marriage gave men a familial stake in the community," writes Mark Kann in his work on the "grammar of manhood" in the early republic. "12 Whereas for women the intimate loyalties of marriage and family were distractions from the larger good, those loyalties provided men with an important stake in society; if marriage made women dependents, it made men adults.
The words of Eleanor Vincent, Lydia Williams, Lydia Osborn, Susan Ormsby Amy Ormsby and Anna Bishop make perfect sense to us as a classic liberal statement of women's legal equality with men. In these words, the phrases and the logic of the nation's Revolutionary thinkers reverberate across time. Even more specifically in their declaration that they demanded no new rights, we hear echoes of an 1802 "Plan for the Emancipation of the Fair Sex" that sought to "re-establish" women's lost 7 27 THE LIMITS OF CITIZENSHIP standing2 Yet in their own time and place, in the context of other conversations then under way, the words seem shocking.
Wealthy and educated women had long assumed their standing, what Jeanne Boydston calls their "confidence of membership," in the colonial elite. " Some explicitly discussed the place of suffrage, seen as only one of several markers of that identity. 10 A "discourse of sexual difference" was not in itself new, of course, but it took on a special import in a time of republican experiments, both in the United States and elsewhere. Indeed, the very Enlightenment that drove a wedge into the absolute authority of religious institutions and the divine rule of kings in the name of liberty, equality, and human progress offered convenient and convincingo categories with which to describe a citizenship o 1 distinguished by sex.
